Japan-China territorial dispute: Toward open war?

Asra Virgianita, Yokohama, Japan | Opinion | Mon, October 22 2012, 9:58 AM

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Tension between Japan and China has flared up yet again after Japan announced a plan to buy several disputed islands.

Only last year, the two neighbors were embroiled in another diplomatic feud after Japanese authorities arrested and detained a Chinese fishing captain accused of entering the waters of the East China Sea disputed area.

Considering the Chinese people’s emotional reaction and the response of the two governments to the recent problem of sovereignty — questions and concerns abound as to whether the dispute will trigger an open war between Japan and China.

Some countries, including the United States, have predicted the dispute will lead to the worst scenario such as open war or “Asian War” (Kompas, Sept. 16, 2012).

Historically, relations between Japan and China fluctuate. The history of Japanese imperialism in China in the past remains a justification for China to put pressure on Japan.

In addition, trade issues and border conflicts have markedly affected their up and down bilateral ties. Disputes between the two nations over the East China Sea date back to 1964 when the United Nations Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East reported potential oil reserves under the territory’s waters.

Despite the disputes, the two are economically dependent on each other. This interdependence is evident in the trade volume between them, which continues to increase.

China tops Japan’s export markets, and vice versa Japan is the fourth export destination of China, based on JETRO trade data, Japan’s total trade with China increased
by 14.3 percent or US$344.9 million in February 2012. Imports from China soared by 20 percent or $183.4 million while Japan’s exports to China rose by 8.3 percent or $161.5 million.

In recent years, Japanese aid to China has continued to dwindle, the assistance shows “something” behind their bilateral ties. As we know, China is an emerging economy; therefore it no longer deserves foreign aid.

This fact raises two questions: why does the Chinese government keep accepting Japanese foreign aid and why does Japan continue to offer assistance to China, when in fact, the two are rivals in the pursuit of regional leadership and, of course, in the economic sector?

Another interesting phenomenon is the growing number of Chinese workers employed in Japan. Data from 2009 revealed that the number of Chinese migrant workers in Japan stood at 250,000 people or half of the country’s migrant workers population.

This suggests the Japanese economy has a high dependence on Chinese labor. Moreover, the Ja-panese population is facing the phenomenon of an inverted pyramid with the rising growth of aging society.

The two countries face complicated issues at home. China, as the world’s most populous country, has to tackle the issues of high economic inequality, long-standing “rebellion” in Tibet and Taiwan, and the prospects of peace in Korean Peninsula in which China is expected to play a key role in the conflict settlement.

On the other hand, Japan is facing an economic slowdown, an aging society and the unabated impacts of the tsunami last year.

The problems are exacerbated by political tension resulting from the ruling party DJP’s difficulties in implementing its manifesto that relates to the displacement of the US base in Futenma as part of an effort to review the Japan-US security treaty.

The accumulation of these domestic problems seems to be what is halting Japan and China from waging open war.

Japan and China share a mutual interest in maintaining regional security and stability, particularly their trade routes. Therefore a war between the two nations will do more harm than good.

Realizing its stagnant economy and considering China’s massive economic growth, Japan has no other choice but to “behave well” to keep its influence in the region intact.

The involvement of the two countries in the ASEAN cooperation forum of economy and security (ARF), for example, demonstrates their effort to maintain their “influence” and “leadership” in the political-economic architecture and security in the region.

Therefore, ASEAN as a regional institution, which has a strategic value for both countries, can play the role ofmediator to reduce tensions between the two giants. If ASEAN can mediate settlement of conflict between Japan and China, the stability of the East Asia region will last.

The writer, lecturer at the department of international relations, school of political and social sciences, University of Indonesia (UI), and researcher at UI’s Center for Japanese Studies, is pursuing PhD degree at Meijigakuin University, Yokohama.

From ‘made in China’ to ‘made for China’

Ha Jiming, Jakarta | Opinion | Mon, October 08 2012, 9:38 AM

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For the past three decades, China has been best known as the “World Factory” for its low labor cost and manufacturing capabilities.

The “Made in China” label can be seen across different products, in particular those in the traditional consumer space, such as toys, clothing and footwear.

This has been a major driving force of economic growth in China. As of the end of 2011, according to the Chinese National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), the manufacturing sector contributed over 32 percent to China’s GDP. China also accounted for the largest share of global trade, at 10.6 percent, compared to the US’ 8.2 percent, according to the World Bank.

Underpinning the low-cost comparative advantage of manufacturing enterprises were the abundant low-cost labor that migrated from rural areas; and the specialized industrial clusters that gradually took shape in the coastal regions.

However, after 30 years of fast growth, the “Made in China” model is becoming unsustainable. With rising labor cost and increasingly unstable labor supply, low-end manufacturing enterprises in China began to relocate to low-income countries such as Indonesia, Vietnam and Cambodia in the last few years. International brands such as Nike, Coach and Muji have all announced plans to scale back the manufacturing base or share of orders processed in China.

The urban minimum wage in China has gone up for three years in a row since 2010 and in the first half of 2012, 16 provinces raised the minimum wage further by an average of 19.7 percent.

According to NBS, in the first half of 2012, Chinese urban residents’ real per capita disposable income grew by 9.7 percent, while rural residents’ real per capita cash income grew by 12.4 percent, both outpacing the real GDP growth of 7.8 percent during the same period.

With the income growth comes the concept of “Made for China”. Chinese households are spending more not only on better food, brand name clothing, luxury automobiles and other high-end consumer goods, but also on services such as telecommunication, travel and tourism, entertainment, education, healthcare and insurance.

The need for upgrading goods consumption and expanding service consumption means there will be great room for development and investment opportunities for sectors such as agricultural products, safe food and beverage, mid- and high-end consumables, healthcare, financial services, tourism and cultural recreation. Household registration reform and improved urbanization quality will also support the development of the real estate industry in a longer run.

Chinese consumers have already emerged as major customers of luxury companies. Company data shows that sales revenue of nine international luxury brands in the Greater China region on average accounts for 20 percent of their global sales. Looking forward, as the household disposable income continues to grow, this share is likely to increase in the future.

In the agricultural space, the Chinese are eating less grain but more meat as their income grows. Livestock consumes much more grain than humans — for example, it takes 13 kilograms of grain to produce one kilogram of beef.

As people eat more meat, the indirect consumption of agricultural goods also increases. There is also a demand for “quality” food and beverage. Prices of the three leading liquors in China (Maotai, Wuliangye and Luzhou Laojiao) have more than doubled since the beginning of the 21st century.

Service consumption so far remains a small part of the overall consumption in China, representing merely 20 percent of total goods consumption, compared to more than two thirds in the US For example, there are abundant opportunities in the insurance sector due to the lack of a national social welfare system, an aging population and fast growth of family wealth.

With total premium ranked sixth worldwide, China is now the world’s fastest growing insurance market. Medical service expenditure is another area set for significant growth due to an aging population and higher living standards.

In the US, after reaching China’s current per capita income level in 1974, its household expenditure on medical services kept expanding for more than two decades until hitting 16.1 percent of its total expenditure in 2011.

The emergence of the “Made for China” theme does not mean that consumer goods will no longer be “Made in China”. China’s manufacturing industry still maintains some competitive advantages over other lower-income countries, including better infrastructure, a more complete manufacturing chain and larger domestic market.

Many former export-oriented enterprises are now increasingly focused on domestic consumption and virtually all services are domestically provided.

It is important to recognize that economic transformation in China is extremely important after two decades of rapid growth driven by exports and investment, which has led to the current imbalanced and unsustainable growth model.

Although demographic factors could influence the shift in the growth model, proactive policy initiatives should be adopted with the intention to accelerate economic transformation. Policies need to be implemented to reduce the still widening income gap, develop consumer credit, rationalize public expenditure and tax policies, and require state-owned enterprises to increase dividend payout.

The household registration (hu kou) reform will be strategically important to the long-term economic development of China. In China, urbanization quality and consumption growth have been undermined by the household registration system.

NBS data shows that over half of total population is living in urban areas at present, but as Vice Premier Li Keqiang recently said, the number of people holding urban household registration (eligible for urban social welfare) amounts to only 35 percent of total population. If the household registration system is abolished, enormous suppressed consumption demand will be released and the growth of service industry will also be accelerated.

The Chinese government is already implementing a slew of measures to promote consumption. Under the low-income housing program, 35 million apartment units are planned to be constructed by 2015 for those eligible — tremendous consumption demand would be unleashed if those who are currently living in a dorm move to their own apartment.

The Chinese Securities Regulatory Commission has also required listed companies to pay more dividends to shareholders. An underdeveloped consumer credit system has hindered consumption — most of consumption is paid in cash, suggesting that better developed consumer credit could potentially provide a great stimulus to consumption.

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The writer is vice chairman and chief investment strategist of Goldman Sachs’ investment management division, China

RI ready to host APEC summit: Govt

The Jakarta Post | Headlines | Fri, October 05 2012, 9:42 AM

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The government says that infrastructure development in Bali for the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit is on schedule and that the nation will be fully prepared to host the event in
November 2013.

“Airport development is on track and the sea bridge, toll roads and underpass will be ready before October 2013,” Coordinating Economic Minister Hatta Rajasa told reporters at a press conference after a meeting in his office here on Thursday.

Also at the meeting were Trade Minister Gita Wirjawan, Public Works Minister Djoko Kirmanto, Tourism and Creative Economy Minister Mari Elka Pangestu and State-Owned Enterprise Minister Dahlan Iskan.

Hatta said that Indonesia would also host several ministerial-level meetings for APEC member nations starting in January in several major cities in Indonesia, including Jakarta; Surabaya, East Java; and Medan, North Sumatra.

Hatta said the venue for the APEC summit would be in Nusa Dua and not in the Bali International Park (BIP) area, as previously announced.

The central government changed its plans following protests from local residents and the Badung Legislative Council that said that the BIP was a green area and should not be exploited for developing
infrastructure.

APEC, established in 1989, is an international forum comprising 21 states in the Asia-Pacific region with the aim to promote free trade and cooperation between member nations.

The population of APEC’s member states accounts for around 40 percent of the world’s population. The forum’s members also comprise 54 percent of the world’s gross domestic product and account for 44 percent of global trade.

During APEC’s most recent meeting in Vladivostok, Russia, in September, ministers forged a consensus to include 54 environmental products on a list of products to be subject to tariff caps by 2015. The list covers more than 300 items, including chopsticks, bicycles, turbines, generators and bamboo products.

Indonesia, the world’s largest crude palm oil (CPO) producer, proposed inclusion of the commodity on the list of environmental goods subject to the tariff caps, although it was not included in the final pact.

Hatta said that Indonesia would again propose inclusion of CPO on the list at APEC’s summit in Bali, although it would not be the main item on the nation’s agenda.

“Our main focus will be on trade and investment, where we believe that there is an urgency to address standardization and structural reform issues,” Hatta said.

“We are also going to talk about achieving sustainability in growth. On this issue, the main theme will be on how to develop global competitiveness, especially through developing small- and medium-scale enterprises and financial inclusion programs,” he added.

Another item on the agenda for next year, according to Hatta, was a discussion on promoting connectivity among APEC members nations, including maritime connectivity, needed infrastructure and the associated price tag.

Mari said that the government expected that the summit would help the nation achieve its tourism target for 2013.

“Our target for foreign tourist visits next year will be around 9 million. We believe that the APEC summit will be one of the main contributors to this goal,” Mari said.

“We will also hold several side and related events including the Miss World pageant. These are excellent moments for promoting our tourism,” Mari said.

— JP/Hans David Tampubolon

SBY’s strong message, sense of optimism at the UN

Andre Omer Siregar, Jakarta | Opinion | Fri, October 05 2012, 9:15 AM

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President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono made a special mark on the 67th Session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), during his visit to New York on Sept. 24-28.

On Sept. 25, he was the ninth speaker before the 192 member countries in the plenary session, speaking on relevant issues, such as the fate of humanity against acts of religious defamation and the prerequisite of maintaining peace and stability before embarking on lasting development.

On the same day, Yudhoyono also co-chaired the first and historic meeting of the High-level Panel (HLP) of Eminent Persons to discuss the global development agenda after 2015, joining Liberian President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf and British Prime Minister David Cameron.

This was the third time President Yudhoyono participated in the UNGA, the first being in 2005 when he delivered his iconic statement: “I come here to represent 240 million Indonesians”.

In 2007, he attended again the UNGA and presided over the UN Security Council, the financing for development debate and the Forest-11 talks. In 2009, although only attending the G20 Summit in Pittsburgh, he announced Indonesia’s commitment of a 26/41 percent reduction of greenhouse gasses by 2020, which echoed in the halls of the UNGA.

And this year, with his opening words he reasserted Indonesia’s views to defend world peace and stability: “I am honored to represent my country, Indonesia, to discuss how we can find better ways to peacefully resolve or manage conflicts around the world.”

Indeed, his experience with the UN has gone through many interesting times, as President and as Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister. Since 1999, he had followed the case of East Timor, now brotherly neighbor Timor Leste, the 2000 Atambua incident, his chairmanship of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in Bali in 2007, and now cochairmanship of the HLP.

Other international achievements include bringing peace and stability to Aceh and pursuing a renewed development agenda for Papua. With close relations to former UN secretary-general Kofi Annan and his successor Ban Ki-Moon, Yudhoyono has always defended and promoted Indonesia’s interests in this multilateral forum, bringing great pride to Indonesian delegates in various international forums.

This gradual rise of Indonesia’s standing in the UN from 1999 to 2012 is an achievement many Indonesians need to always remember. From a difficult point in 1999, to a global recognition today, Indonesia not only contributes to regional and global peace, but also promotes the interests of global development in times of crisis.

Indonesia had always played an active role in the UN, through the Non-Aligned Movement, the G77 and peacekeeping missions as a respectable developing country despite the typical burdens of the South (combating poverty, pursuing MDGs and social development). But today, Indonesia is seen as a unique member of the UN.

Indonesia is a developing country and yet a member of the G20; the largest Muslim country and yet the third largest democracy; a bridging force for consensus, consistently playing its role as part of the solution and as a net contributor to peace through UN peacekeeping missions.

In essence, Yudhoyono’s active participation at the UNGA over three sessions and other UN events has not only informed the world that Indonesia endured a domestic transformation, but also persevered through global crises and is poised to contribute globally through its social-justice, market-driven and environmentally friendly economic model.

And with these achievements, Indonesia’s case has become a unique example that anything is possible; that crisis can be turned into opportunity, that dialogue can resolve historic crises and the worst natural disasters can bring countries together in humanitarian cooperation.

In New York last week, reporters from the US, Europe and the Middle East were eager to ask Yudhoyono for the recipe for success of Indonesia’s economy, how he viewed defamation of religion and what was next on the global development agenda.

All those questions were answered in one way or another — through doorstop discussions, press conferences or one-on-one interviews, in English or Indonesian, not only with reporters but also with prominent businesspeople, heads of state and even members of the Indonesian diaspora in the US.

As the world continues its course through global economic uncertainty and pockets of regional instability, both political and economic Alhamdulillah as Yudhoyono would say, Indonesia is on a trajectory to bring her 240 million people to new levels of opportunity and prosperity.

The President’s involvement for more than a decade with the UN (in chairing meetings, negotiating, lobbying and speaking within its halls) has clearly contributed many unique and productive ideas on political, security, economic, environmental and social issues, on behalf of Indonesia.

This is something that the next leaders of Indonesia will benefit from in their engagement with the UN. In the meantime, Yudhoyono will go into overdrive as he co-chairs the HLP, receiving the input and hopes of countries, private sectors, NGOs and civil society groups.

If anything should be taken away by Indonesians from Yudhoyono’s visit, it is probably this — that the world sees Indonesia with greater admiration and respect as a country that has endured tough times and possesses potential leadership in global affairs.

And this is not the President’s victory, nor his ministers, nor his ambassadors to the UN or the US. It is the achievement of all Indonesians. And with all these developments, this renewed sense of optimism is probably the one message that Yudhoyono really wanted to share, not just with the world, but with all Indonesians back home.

The writer is an assistant special staff of the President for international relations. The opinions expressed are personal.

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Viewpoint: Indonesia-Taiwan ties: When gray is good

Julia Suryakusuma, Jakarta | Opinion | Wed, October 03 2012, 10:04 AM

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What’s your favorite color? Mine’s red. According to Rankopedia it’s the number two fave in the world, after blue.

In Taipei recently, as a participant in the third Taiwan-Indonesia Dialogue, held from Sept. 19-20, I noticed that Taiwan’s flag is red with a blue canton bearing a white sun with 12 triangular rays. They call it Blue Sky, White Sun and Wholly Red Earth. Dramatic name!

Indonesia’s flag has a much less dramatic appellation. It’s called Sang Saka Merah Putih — The Red-and-White Flag — because it has those two colors (duh!), symbolizing courage and purity.

But although Taiwan and Indonesia share red in their flags, their relationship is more like … gray. I don’t think many people choose gray as their favorite color, but it seems to work well for Indonesia and Taiwan.

Why gray? Because the relationship is fraught with ambiguities and (political) contradictions. Like 172 other UN member states, Indonesia sticks to the One-China Policy, officially recognizing only the People’s Republic of China (PRC).

This was true even from 1966 to 1990, when the two countries had no diplomatic relations. Ironically, although we don’t officially recognize Taiwan, aka Republic of China (ROC), we’ve enjoyed close relations with Taiwan since the late 1960s.

This was initially due to a shared anti-communist stance and fear of China, but after Indonesia and Taiwan went through democratic transitions in the 1990s they found they now have a democratizing agenda in common. In fact, both were praised as models of democracy in the Freedom House’s recent “Freedom in the World 2012 Report”.

As Ibrahim Almuttaqin pointed out during the dialogue, it’s ironic that Indonesia has full diplomatic relations with China, despite it having a one-party system, and lesser diplomatic relations with Taiwan, despite it being democratic. In fact, Indonesia has become pretty cozy with China since the two countries normalized relationships in 1990 and even signed a Strategic Partnership Agreement in 2005.

So, is Indonesia torn between two lovers? Since China is both so much bigger and Indonesia’s second-most important economic partner after Japan, does Indonesia have to go backstreet with Taiwan?

“No way”, said Dewi Fortuna Anwar, chair for the Institute for Democracy and Human Rights at The Habibie Center, in her excellent keynote speech. The liaison has always been open and upfront. Despite geopolitical constraints, she said, “the opportunities for widening and deepening bilateral relations between Indonesia and Taiwan have grown”.

While Indonesia doesn’t officially recognize Taiwan, it has a representative office in Taipei, the Indonesian Economic and Trade Office (KDEI), and Taiwan has its Taipei Economic and Trade Office (TETO) in Jakarta.

Andrew Hsia, the representative of TETO in Jakarta, often expresses frustration at his inability to connect with high-ranking government officials in Jakarta.

But when you look at the statistics on Indonesia-Taiwan relations, I’m not so sure he’s got much to complain about. You’d be astonished how much is achieved at this lower level of diplomatic representation — not just in trade and investment, but also science and technology, intelligence, education and in the socio-cultural sphere.

According to the BKPM (the Investment Coordinating Board), 1,475 Taiwanese investors had invested a total of US$14.68 billion in Indonesia up to June. Taiwan is now Indonesia’s No. 9 foreign direct investment source, creating about 1 million job opportunities in Indonesia, while managerial and technical personnel from Taiwan number around 8,000. And last year, 212,000 Taiwanese tourists visited Indonesia. With 88 flights per week between the two countries, travel has hardly been hampered by geopolitical friction!

Then of course there are the 185,000 Indonesian migrant workers in Taiwan, now ranking No. 1 among Southeast Asian migrant workers in that country (42 percent), and continually increasing. No wonder an MOU on the Placement of Manpower was signed in January 2011.

So will the flourishing of Indonesia-Taiwan relations continue in this profitable gray area? For now maybe, but in the longer term, who knows?

China-Taiwan relations are warming and there has always been interdependence between the two. In June 2010, the PRC and the ROC signed the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA). This heralded the biggest change in cross-strait relations in 60 years. Some see it as a covert push for unification but the fact remains that trade between the two countries is fast and furious.

China is Taiwan’s No. 1 trading partner with a trade value in 2011 of over $100 billion (Indonesia’s trade with China in 2011 was $49 billion). Taiwan is also a major investor in China, with investments standing at $100 billion or perhaps higher. Half of China’s top 20 exporting companies are Taiwan-owned. There are close to a million Taiwanese working in China at these companies and others.

Wow!

I was surprised, however, to read that Chinese students have even been allowed to study in Taiwan since autumn 2011. “Paul”, one of the 2,000 visiting students, spent much of his spare time in bookstores and libraries poring over books – not publications in his area of study, but ones banned in China.

Is this the way to go, to let Taiwanese democracy influence young minds? Many of the students are the cream of the crop and could become government officials or civil servants in China. Things could become very interesting when they return.

Perhaps the time will come when Taiwan will be recognized by all 193 UN member states, including Indonesia, and not just the current 22 plus the Vatican? In the meantime, our two countries seem to be enjoying their own version of 50 shades of gray!

The writer (www.juliasuryakusuma.com) is the author of State Ibuism.

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Gandhi: The apostle of peace and non-violence

Gurjit Singh, Jakarta | Opinion | Tue, October 02 2012, 9:09 AM

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Today we remember a great human being, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, or Mahatma Gandhi. As we commemorate the 143rd anniversary of the birth of this apostle of peace and non-violence, we also mark the 106th anniversary of the launch of Satyagraha, a movement of peaceful resistance, which was founded in South Africa on Sept. 11, 1906.

This movement created a sequence of events that had hitherto not been seen in human history and it ultimately led to the political liberation and creation of representative democracy in India, South Africa and in many post-colonial and other developing countries.

Mahatma Gandhi came from a family of modest means, which lived in the state of Gujarat of India.  He was the son of a senior government official. Born on Oct. 2, 1869, he studied in a local school and college. He traveled to London in 1888 to study law at University College and trained as a barrister at the Inner Temple.

He returned to India in 1891 after being called to the Bar and made efforts to establish a legal practice in Bombay and subsequently in Rajkot. He accepted a 12-month contract from an Indian company near Durban in South Africa and sailed there in what turned out to be a major voyage of political discovery.

Gandhi spent 21 years in South Africa where his political skills were honed. He suffered discrimination in its full force.

The incident where he was forcibly removed from a first-class compartment of a train at Pietermaritzburg, and landed with a thud on the platform, led to a blow against the discriminatory political system in South Africa.

He extended his stay in South Africa, and worked with Indians facing discrimination there. He founded the Natal Indian Congress in 1894 and continued his work there experimenting with Satyagraha till he returned to India in 1915.

Upon his return home, Gandhi slowly and carefully transformed the movement for the freedom of India into a people’s movement by applying the principles of Satyagraha and taking it out of the drawing rooms and courtrooms and on to the streets.

Until he took the leadership, the Indian freedom movement had largely followed the legal process and worked within the political institutions in colonial India. The sheer momentum of the popular expression of unwillingness to be governed by the unequal and oppressive laws of colonialism led to cracks in the seemingly solid edifice of colonialism in India.

Satyagraha was an important element of Mahatma Gandhi’s philosophy and action. It initiated political processes to challenge injustice without violence, without hating the administrators and challenging the system on its own terms. It is interesting to remember that he held a contest in South Africa to give this movement a name and from various suggestions that he obtained, he chose “Sadagraha” which translated into “insistence on truth”.

Satyagraha propounded non-violence and non-aggression as a means to an end. Essentially, it altered the terms of power and authority and provided ordinary people with the ability to challenge the system without resorting to violence or accentuating divisions within segmented societies.

Between his experiments in South Africa and his leadership of the national movement in India, Gandhi created a spirit of participative democracy which held people in both these countries and many others in good stead.

Satyagraha and its political dimensions were clearly manifested in Gandhi’s own insistence on ends and means being inseparable, he believed firmly “as the means so the end”. Gandhi said that if a person pursued change with hatred in the heart towards anyone, the person would only get hatred in return and if injustice was to be fought with violence and other injustices, it would mar the results obtained.       

In 1925, when the transformation of the national movement into a mass movement had already taken place, Gandhi wrote “No sacrifice is worth the name unless it is a joy. Sacrifice and a long face go ill together. Sacrifice is ‘making sacred’.  He must be a poor specimen of humanity who is in need of sympathy for his sacrifice”.

Gandhi as a person was deeply religious though socially he promoted harmony among various religions and religious entities. It was his belief that spiritualism could be attained through prayers and fasts and that could create people with an absence of fear, hatred or greed. His own spirituality was based on religion generating the belief that many people, in spite of their extant differences, were all members of one family and that is what the new nation state could strive for.

It was his firm belief that individual religiosity could contribute to the creation of good people and such people would be the cornerstones of good societies. He was appreciative of many religions and faiths because he affirmed that tolerance and acceptance of this diversity of faiths was an instrument for the development of good society and for good governance.

One of the greatest attributes of Mahatma Gandhi was the simplicity with which he spoke, wrote and communicated. In his time, there was no Internet or its offspring, like Twitter and Facebook, to spread a message. Yet, his message travelled rapidly within India and abroad, each time he undertook a fast, a protest or a campaign.

In many ways, Gandhi was what today we would call a blogger for he wrote every day, whether he was incarcerated in a jail or traveling. He wrote for Young India and Navjivan, newspapers that carried his thoughts on a daily basis and some other publications in addition to which he wrote daily letters to people and newspapers, whose message was widely circulated and these contributions were looked forward to every day much like the blogs of today.

Gandhi remains an immortal symbol of love and understanding all over the world. The two aspects of Gandhi as a human being and Gandhi as a political leader were summed up by him in 1922, “The only virtue I want to claim is truth and non-violence. I lay no claim to superhuman powers. I want none. I wear the same corruptible flesh that the weakest of my fellow beings wears and is, therefore, as liable to err as any. My services have many limitations, but God has up to now blessed them in spite of the
imperfections.”

Oct. 2, the birthday of Mahatma Gandhi, is celebrated in India as Gandhi Jayanti and is one of the three national holidays. In January 2007, a Satyagraha Conference was held in New Delhi to mark the centenary of the launch of Satyagraha in South Africa and a resolution at the Conference called for the day to be observed as an International Day of Non-violence.

This was accepted by the United Nations General Assembly on June 15, 2007.  The resolution by the General Assembly requests all member countries to commemorate Oct. 2 in a fitting manner to disseminate the message of non-violence including through education and public awareness.

This year, the Embassy of India will commemorate Gandhi Jayanti and the International Day of Non-Violence by instituting the annual Mahatma Gandhi Memorial Lecture, the first of which will be delivered by Boediono, the Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia.

Several Indian cultural associations will organize events to increase people-to-people exchanges and enhance philanthropic activities, including a blood donation camp, donation of wheel chairs, and artificial limbs, cataract operations and the like.

The writer is Ambassador of
India to Indonesia.